An difríocht idir athruithe ar: "User:Erisceres/Chronological Developments in the Celtic Languages"

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(→‎Proto-Indo-European: Onset clusters)
(→‎Plosive Initial: voiceless labial plosive + sibilant + voiceless coronal plosive)
Líne 145: Líne 145:
* voiceless coronal plosive + voiceless dorsal plosive
* voiceless coronal plosive + voiceless dorsal plosive
** e.g. {{IPA|''<nowiki>*</nowiki>tkʲei-''}} "settle"
** e.g. {{IPA|''<nowiki>*</nowiki>tkʲei-''}} "settle"
* voiceless labial plosive + sibilant + voiceless coronal plosive
** e.g. {{IPA|''<nowiki>*</nowiki>pster-''}} "sneeze"


==== Sibilant Initial ====
==== Sibilant Initial ====

Leagan ó 21:31, 13 Feabhra 2022

This page will detail the chronological developments of the Celtic languages, with a focus on Goidelic (for now).

From Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Celtic

Proto-Indo-European

Non-Syllabic Phonemes and Their Syllabic Allophones

PIE Plosives[1]
Non-Syllabic
Labial Coronal Dorsal
Palatal Velar Labiovelar
Tenuis *p *t *kʲ *k *kʷ
Voiced *b *d *ɡʲ *ɡʷ
Murmured *bʱ *dʱ *ɡʲʱ *ɡʱ *ɡʷʱ
PIE Fricatives
Non-Syllabic Syllabic
Coronal Postvelar[2][note 1] Postvelar[3][note 2][note 3]
Sibilant[4] *s
Non-Sibilant *h₁, *h₂, *h₃ *ə₁, *ə₂, *ə₃
PIE Sonorants
Non-Syllabic[5] Syllabic
Labial Coronal Dorsal Labial Coronal Short Monophthong[6][note 4]
Palatal Labiovelar Front Unrounded Back Rounded
Lateral *l Lateral[7][note 5] *l̩
Rhotic *r Rhotic[7][note 5] *r̩
Nasal *m *n Nasal[7][note 5] *m̩ *n̩
Semivowel *j *w Close *i *u

Syllabic Phonemes

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Onset Clusters

The following onset clusters[8] are possible in PIE phonotactics:

Plosive Initial

  • plosive + sonorant
    • e.g. *pro "forward"; *pneu- "breath"; *tjegʷ- "revere"; *dlegʱ- "engage oneself"; *dʱwer- "door"; *gʲneh₃- "know"; *kʷrei- "buy"; *gʷjeh₃- "live"
  • voiceless labial plosive + voicless coronal plosive
    • e.g. *pter- "wing"
  • voiceless coronal plosive + voiceless dorsal plosive
    • e.g. *tkʲei- "settle"
  • voiceless labial plosive + sibilant + voiceless coronal plosive
    • e.g. *pster- "sneeze"

Sibilant Initial

  • sibilant + sonorant
    • e.g. *sreu- "flow"; *sjuh- "sew"
  • sibilant + plosive
    • e.g. *spend- "pour a libation"; *skʲeh₂i- "shadow"
  • sibilant + postvelar
    • e.g. *sh₂eh₁-i- "bind"

Postvelar Initial

  • postvelar + sonorant
    • e.g. *h₁leudʱ- "go"; *h₁jeh₁- "throw"; *h₂wes- "spend the night"; *h₂ner- "man"; *h₃meigʲʱ- "urinate"; *h₃regʲ- "stretch out the hands"
  • postvelar + plosive
    • e.g. *h₃bʱel- "be of use"
  • postvelar + sibilant
    • e.g. *h₁sih₁- "be" (optative pl. stem)

Sonorant Initial

  • labial sonorant + coronal sonorant
    • e.g. *mleuh₂- "speak"; *mregʲʱu- "short"; *mneh₂- "be mindful"; *wleikʷ- "flowing, liquid"; *wreh₂d- "branch, root"

Developments from Proto-Celtic

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From Proto-Celtic to Gaulish

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From Proto-Celtic to Celtiberian

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From Proto-Celtic to Insular Celtic

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Developments from Insular Celtic

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From Insular Celtic to Common Brittonic

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From Insular Celtic to Primitive Irish

To do

Developments in Goidelic

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From Primitive Irish to Early Old Irish

To do

Notes

  1. *h covers all potential non-syllabic postvelars.
  2. covers all potential syllabic postvelars.
  3. The syllabic postvelars are allophonic to their non-syllabic counterparts.
  4. These vowels are allophonic to their non-syllabic semivowel counterparts.
  5. 5.0 5.1 5.2 The syllabic liquids and nasals are allophonic to their non-syllabic counterparts.

Bibliography

  • Fortson IV, B. W. (2009). Indo-European Language and Culture: An Introduction, 2nd Edition. Wiley-Blackwell.
  • McCone, K. (1996). "Towards a relative chronology of ancient and medieval Celtic sound change". Maynooth studies in Celtic linguistics. Maynooth: Department of Old Irish, Saint Patrick’s College.
  • Stifter, David (2006). Sengoídelc: Old Irish for Beginners. Syracuse University Press.
  • Thurneysen, R. (1946; 2003 reprint). A Grammar of Old Irish: Translated from the German by D.A. Binchy and Osborn Bergin, with supplement. School of Celtic Studies, Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies.

References

  1. Fortson 2009, pp. 53-60.
  2. Fortson 2009, pp. 62-4
  3. Fortson 2009, p. 62
  4. Fortson 2009, p. 60
  5. Fortson 2009, pp. 60-1
  6. Fortson 2009, pp. 62, 66
  7. 7.0 7.1 7.2 Fortson 2009, pp. 61-2
  8. Fortson 2009, pp. 64-6